蓬佩奥最新演讲｜1989年的教训：自由与我们的未来

SECRETARY MIKE POMPEO: Thank you, that’s very kind. I always prefer if I get the applause after I speak – (laughter) – because then you know how – then you know how you did. And Rupert, you reference the Senate race and book publishing. I’m pretty sure those are both felonies if I talked about them – (laughter) – so I’m not going to mention either tonight.

谢谢您的美言。我通常喜欢说完了才听到掌声（笑声），因为那时才知道我表现得好不好。还有，鲁帕特（Rupert），妳谈到参议院（Senate）竞选和出书的事。我可以肯定地说，如果我谈这些情况，两者都是属于违法的 -（笑声）- 所以我今晚对这两件事都闭口不谈。

Thank you so much for those kind words, Rupert, for your generous introduction.

多谢鲁帕特以诸多溢美之词做客气的介绍。

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it’s great to be with you all tonight. It’s remarkable I’m sitting at the table with Dr. Kissinger and Hank Greenberg, the Sterns – amazing people who have done amazing things for America. Thank you all so much for your remarkable service. I’ve been fortunate to get a chance to know Dr. Kissinger. He’s in his mid-90s. Secretary Shultz is mid-90s. I’ve got a lot of runway left. (Laughter.) Must be something about Foggy Bottom that keeps you going.

尊敬的来宾们、女士们和先生们，很高兴今晚能与诸位在此共度良宵。我能与基辛格博士（Dr. Kissinger）和汉克·格林伯格（Hank Greenberg）、斯特恩（Sterns）父女同席，令人颇为荣幸——他们都是为美国做出杰出贡献的优秀人物。多谢您们对国家的贡献。我很荣幸有机会认识基辛格博士。他高寿九十多岁了。国务卿舒尔茨（Shultz）也已经90多岁。所以看来我的人生也才开始。（笑声。）一定是华盛顿DC雾谷（Foggy Bottom）那个街区让人长寿！

Thanks, too, Ken, and the board of trustees here for taking such good care of us. I’m humbled by your generosity and the receipt of this award tonight. My son often reminds me there’s much for me to be humble for. He – I actually told him about this, and he got online, he looked up all the previous recipients, and he wondered if the institute hadn’t might lost its way. (Laughter.)

我还要谢谢 Ken以及基金会在场的董事会成员对我如此的关爱。妳们的宽容和今晚颁发的这个奖项使我感到当之有愧。我儿子经常提醒我，有很多事情可以令我感到惭愧。他听了我的话，并且上网查看以往所有的获奖人。他怀疑贵所是否看走了眼。（笑声）

He’s also famous for having sent out a note to the entire team that takes care of me when I travel saying, “When my dad got off the plane tonight, he looked like he was half dead. Would somebody put makeup on him?” (Laughter.) It was like 3:00 in the morning in some far-off place.

他还在我出差期间向照顾我的整个团队发了一封简讯，闹得满城风雨，“我爸爸今晚下飞机时看上去半死不活的。能不能有人给上个妆？”（笑声）当时凌晨3点钟我在远方某地。

I thought I’d take you back just a minute to talk about something that’s very much on my mind. I remember I had hoped to be sworn in on January 20th, 2017 as America’s CIA director right – a few hours after President Trump’s inauguration. But Senator Wyden had a different idea about timeline, and so I was held up on that Friday.

我想要带各位回顾一下我心中縈绕已久的一些事。我记得，我曾经希望在2017年1月川普总统（President Trump）就任后几小时内，立即宣誓就任美国中央情报局（CIA）局长。但是参议员怀登（Wyden）对就职时间有不同的设想。所以我的事被推迟到星期五。

But I had asked the President to come out to CIA headquarters on Saturday morning, out to Langley. So when I showed up there that day and the President showed up there that day, I was still the congressman from the 4th District of Kansas hoping that I could scrounge 51 votes on Monday.

但当时我已邀请总统在星期六早上去位于兰岭（Langley）的中央情报局总部。当天总统和我到场的时候，我仍然是堪萨斯州（Kansas）第4选区的联邦众议员，希望在星期一能勉强获得51张确认票。

I mention that because I will never forget what President Trump was focused on. Literally less than 24 hours after he had been sworn in, he was sitting with me and the senior counterterrorism team at the CIA, and he told – he said three things. He said: I’m going to give you everything you need to do; I’m going to give you the authorities you need to conduct this campaign in a way that will keep Americans safe; I want to make sure that we destroy the caliphate, and I want to get the guy who’s the leader of ISIS. And – (applause) – and we worked for two and a half years – the team was fantastic. The work that was done will absolutely make an important contribution to America’s national security. The President led that effort. He was committed to it. He supported everything that I did and then my successor, Director Haspel, and the amazing work of the Department of Defense and all the teams that brought Baghdadi to eternal justice. (Applause.)

我之所以提到这件事，是因为我永远不会忘记川普总统高度关注的问题。他真的在宣誓就职后不到24小时，就跟我还有资深反恐团队在中央情报局开会。他提了三件事：我会提供所有妳们需要的一切资源；所有妳需要的指挥权，打好这一仗，保护美国的安全；我绝对要摧毁哈里发（caliphate）。我希望抓住伊斯兰国（ISIS）的头目。同时，（掌声）- 我们为此进行了两年半的努力 - 这个团队棒极了。他们的努力绝对为美国的国家安全有重大贡献。 总统是这个任务的领头人。他对此坚持不懈。他支持我从事的所有工作，然后是我的继任者哈斯佩尔（Haspel），以及国防部（Department of Defense）和所有的团队的杰作，最终将巴格达迪（Baghdadi）绳之以法。（掌声）

I hope you all know when you – when you get a chance to see someone who is in uniform or someone who is an intelligence officer, you wouldn’t know. There’s actually some of you all sitting out here tonight. You wouldn’t know. Please thank them. It was amazing work that they did and important.

我希望在座各位，当妳们有机会见到三军官兵或者情报官员，情报人员倒是不好认。实际上今晚就有些情报人员在座。不过是隐姓埋名的。请对他们表示感谢。他们做出了很了不起并且至关重要的工作。

There’s still much work to do. The threat from radical Islamic extremism certainly is not gone, but the work that was done to lead that shows the excellence, the uniqueness, and to the point that was mentioned earlier, the exceptionalism that we have here in the United States of America.

还有很多工作需要做。来自激进的伊斯兰极端分子的威胁还没有铲除，但是到目前已经完成的一切工作显示了卓越性，独特性，和早前提到的程度，都展现了美利坚合众国的独到之处。

I think it’s true that we can think long about history. Half a century ago your founder charged your institution to think about the future in unconventional ways. President Trump, when he selected me to be the Secretary – the director of the CIA was certainly thinking about something unconventional. Who would have predicted that this kid from Southern California would have this amazing privilege?

我认为我们不妨回顾历史。同样独到的是哈德逊研究所的创办人, 半世纪前，就高瞻远瞩要以非传统方式去预想未来。当川普总统任命我担任国务卿的时候 – 中央情报局局长也肯定有些非传统的想法。否则谁能预见我这个南加州来的孩子能碰到如此的际遇？

He also knew – Herman knew – that in the interest of furthering and protecting this great and noble experience that we call the United States of America, that there was no higher mission than to getting that right.

他还知道 – 赫尔曼也知道 –为了延续和保护这个我们称为美利坚合众国的神圣伟大的经验， 最重要的，就是要行得正

That’s why I thought I’d focus in the few minutes today before I take some questions, I thought I’d focus on something that is central to what the Trump administration is working on that is different from previous administrations. That’s not political, we have just – we have taken on the challenge from the People’s Republic of China in a way that the time is calling for.

因此我想在回答各位问题前，用几分钟的时间重点谈一些问题。这是川普政府致力在做的，也和前几任政府作法不同的事。 这不是政治议题，我们正面对着应付中共挑战的这个时代任务。

Look, we have a long-cherished tradition of friendship with the Chinese people. We continue to do so today. We have a Chinese American community here in America that we love and treasure. I’ve known them through business and personal ties; I’ve known many of them.

传统以来，我们一向珍视和中国人民的友谊。今天依然如此。我们热爱并珍惜美国的华裔社群。通过工作和私人关系，我结识了很多华裔美人。

But I must say that the communist government in China today is not the same as the people of China. They’re reaching for and using methods that have created challenges for the United States and for the world.

但是今天我必须说清楚，共产党政府不等同中国人民 。中国力求和正在使用的各种发展方法对美国和全世界构成了挑战。

And we collectively, all of us, need to confront these challenges from the PRC head-on, and along each of the many facets.

我们需要以共同的努力，我们所有人，直接正面对抗来中共各个方面的挑战。

There are many opportunities, to be sure, but it is no longer realistic to ignore the fundamental differences between our two systems and the impact, the impact that those two systems have, the differences in those systems have on American national security.

诚然，我们有许多的机会，但是继续忽略两个政治体制的冲突与根本差异是不现实的。这两个系统的冲突和差异已经危害了美国的国家安全。

This is a departure, for sure. It might be viewed as unconventional. It’s not what you’ve heard from leaders for the last two decades plus. Frankly, we’ve been slow to see the risk of China – the risk that it poses to American national security, because we wanted friendship with the People’s Republic from the very start. And because we, as Americans, always continue to hope for that.

也许有人会说我走偏锋，但可以肯定， 这不再是这二十多年来我们领导人所形容的关系。 坦率地讲，我们看清中国给美国国家安全带来的风险已经有点后知后觉了。 这是因为我们在最开始就一直想与中国维持友好关系。 因为我们美国人民始终希望如此。

But frankly, in our efforts to achieve this goal, we accommodated and encouraged China’s rise for decades, even when – even when that rise was at the expense of American values, Western democracy, and security, and good common sense.

但是坦率的说，在我们想达成这个目标的过程中，几十年来，我们接纳并鼓励中国崛起，甚至以牺牲美国的价值观，西方民主，国家安全和普世价值做为代价。

We downgraded our relationship with our long-time friend, Taiwan, on the condition that the “Taiwan question” would be resolved peacefully, to normalize relations with Beijing.

为了与北京关系的正常化，我们以台湾问题和平解决的前提下, 降低了跟台湾老朋友的关系。

We all too often shied away from talking directly about the human rights issues there and American values when they came into conflict, and we downplayed ideological differences, even after the Tiananmen Square massacre and other significant human rights abuses.

当矛盾产生时，我们往往避开直接谈论人权问题和美国的价值观, 即使在天安门大屠杀和其他严重侵害人权的事件上, 我们也淡化了意识形态的差异。

We encouraged China’s membership in the World Trade Organization and other international organizations, premised on their commitment to adopt market reforms and abide by the rules of those organizations. And all too often, China never followed through.

在他们应许遵守规则及接受市场改革的前提下，我们促使了中国加入世贸及其他国际组织。但是中国一再的不守规则。

We hesitated and did far less than we should have when China threatened its neighbors like Vietnam, and like the Philippines, and when they claimed the entire South China Sea.

当中国威胁邻近的越南，菲律宾，宣称整个南中国海（South China Sea）是他们的时候， 我们再度迟疑，没有当机立断。

Frankly, we did an awful lot that accommodated China’s rise in the hope that communist China would become more free, more market-driven, and ultimately, hopefully more democratic.

坦率说，我们实在为让中国崛起委曲求全了太多。因为我们期待共产党中国可以变得更自由，更市场导向，最终可望变得更加民主。

And we did this for a long time.

我们这样做了很久。

There’s another reason we adopted these policies: We didn’t realize how China was evolving. Frankly, the American people didn’t get the full story.

还有一个我们对中国让步的原因：就是我们没能了解中国如何的演变。其实，美国人民都不知道真实状况。

I’ve talked to so many business leaders. U.S. companies that invested heavily in China were forced to comply with China’s terms. This includes just about any topic that the Chinese Communist Party deemed controversial.

我与许许多多商界领袖谈过, 他们的公司在中国大量投资，然后被迫遵守中国的规则。这包括几乎任何被中国共产党视为有争议的话题。

Beijing’s intransigence creates a permanent class of China lobbyists in the United States. Their primary job is to sell access to Chinese leaders and connect business partners.

北京的冥顽不灵，在美国创造了一群永久的中国游说班子。他们的主要工作就是兜售接近中国领导层的机会，替妳拉商业关系。

And frankly, whenever there was a dispute or tension in the relationship, many of our scholars blamed the United States for misrepresenting the nature of the Chinese Communist Party.

老实说，每当双方出现争端或关系紧张时，我们的许多学者会出来指责是美国误会曲解了中共的本质。

Meanwhile, Beijing controlled and limited access to our diplomats, journalists, and academics to the main – when they were traveling to mainland China. They still do that today. If you saw the difference – if you saw the difference in how Chinese diplomats are treated and how American diplomats and the access they have, you too would find the absence of reciprocity deeply inconsistent with American values.

同时呢，北京限制了我们的外交人员，记者，还有学者在中国大陆旅行的自由接触机会。直到今天都是如此。假如妳了解双方对待对方外交人员的态度，看到美方人员受到的限制，妳不能不同意这种缺乏互相尊重的状况实在跟美国的价值观南辕北辙。

And China’s state-run media and government spokespeople filled the gaps, routinely maligning American intentions and policy objectives. They still do that today. They distorted how Americans view the People’s Republic and how they review General Secretary Xi.

并且中国政府经营的媒体则顺水推舟，一再地诬蔑美国的意图及政策目标。他们直到今天仍是如此。他们歪曲了美国人民对中华人民共和国还有习总书记的评论。

These bad outcomes were all too predictable. They were predictable byproducts of dealing with a secretive regime that doesn’t respect fairness, the rule of law, and reciprocity.

长此以往，不好的结果当然是可以预见的。这都是与不尊重公平，法治，和互利的暗箱作业政权打交道的副作用结果。

Today, we’re finally realizing the degree to which the Chinese Communist Party is truly hostile to the United States and our values, and its worse deeds and words and how they impact us. And we’re able to do that because of the leadership of President Trump.

今天，我们终于认识到中国共产党真正敌视美国及我们的价值观到何种程度，以及它的更恶劣言行和对我们的影响。我们能够做到这点是因为有川普总统的领导。

The President sounded this issue, this alarm, since his very first day. I remember one speech he gave back in Pennsylvania when he called China’s WTO membership “the greatest job theft in history.” A lot of people laughed. I don’t think so many of them are laughing now that they can see the reality.

总统从他上任第一天就拉响了警铃。 我记得他在宾夕法尼亚州发表的一次讲话，当时他称中国加入WTO是“历史上最大的工作盗窃行为”。 当时很多人大笑。 我不认为那些人现在看到了现实还笑得出来。

It’s the case that now we know China weakens America’s manufacturing base by conducting massive intellectual property theft. I had a group of Fortune 500 CEOs in my office last week. The stories are staggering.

现在我们知道中国通过大规模的知识产权盗窃，正在削弱美国的制造业基础。上周，一群《财富》 500强公司的首席执行官来我的办公室里。他们的经历是很难让人置信的。

Now we know too that China threatens American freedoms by demanding our companies self-censor to maintain access to that Chinese market. We’ve all seen the stories recently of the NBA. The truth is Beijing ought to be free to run its own PR campaign; they’re a sovereign nation. But if we disagree, our companies ought to be permitted to have that disagreement. Silencing dissent simply is not acceptable.

现在我们也知道，中国通过要求我们的公司进行自我言论审查，威胁美国的自由，以保持进入中国市场的机会为要胁。我们都看到最近发生在NBA的事。事实是，北京应该有自由做自己的公关活动；他们是一个主权国家。但是如果我们有不同意的地方，我们的公司应该可以持不同意见。封杀持异议者绝对是不能被接受的。

And now we know – now we know that China threatens America’s national security by developing asymmetric weapons that threaten our strategic assets too.

现在我们知道中国威胁着美国的国家安全， 通过开发威胁我们战略资产的不对称武器。

The list goes on.

这样的事例不胜枚举。

And these aren’t just our problems. They’re problems for all nations that share our values.

这些不仅仅是我们的问题。对于所有分享我们价值观的国家来说，这都是问题。

When we see Beijing use coercion as a preferred tool of statecraft, it’s not good for those of us who believe in democracy and sovereignty as the fundamental norms that ought to dominate world commerce and the way nations interact. These ideas, they threaten the free and open international order by making extrajudicial territorial and maritime claims in places like the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait.

当我们看到北京使用胁迫作为治国首选工具时，那些相信民主和主权为基本准则的人就要受害了。民主和主权的准则才应该是主导贸易和国家互动的方式。他们在南中国海及台湾海峡（Taiwan Strait）非法的领土及海事占领，已经威胁自由和开放的国际秩序。

We know too that Beijing entwines its neighbors and others in its state-led economic model, often closing deals with bribes, often trapping many in debilitating debt levels, threatening their own sovereignty.

我们也知道，北京在其国家主导的经济模式中，把邻国和其他国家绑在一起，经常以贿赂来达成交易，常使许多人陷入债务恶化，威胁到那些国家的主权。

And now we know too and we can see China’s regime trampling the most basic human rights of its own citizens – the great and noble Chinese people. We’ve seen this in Hong Kong, where they need to live up to their promises and commitments, and we’ve seen it in the gross human rights violation of ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.

现在我们也知道了，我们可以看到中国政权践踏了其本国公民 – 伟大而高尚的中国人民的最基本人权。我们在香港看到了这一点，他们必需履行自己的诺言和承诺，我们在新疆的少数民族也看到了极严重侵犯人权的行为。。

We know too that the Chinese Communist Party is offering its people and the world an entirely different model of governance. It’s one in which a Leninist Party rules and everyone must think and act according to the will of the Communist elites. That’s not a future that I want, I think it’s not a future that anyone in this room wants, it’s not a future that other democracies want, and it’s not a future that the people of China – the freedom-loving people of China everywhere don’t want this model.

我们也知道中国共产党提供他的人民和世界一种完全不同的治理模式。这是列宁主义政党（Leninist Party）统治模式，严格限制每个人的思想和行动，遵守共产党领导层的意愿。那不是我想要的未来，我认为也不是在座的任何一个人想要的未来。 这不是其他民主国家想要的未来，也不是中国人民的未来 — 热爱自由的中国人民在任何地方都不希望有这种模式。

President Trump’s National Security Strategy lays this out. It recognizes China as a strategic competitor. That means there’s challenges and there’s real opportunities, and we hope that we can engage with them in ways that are constructive. But it’s reality. It’s the truth.

川普总统的《国家安全战略》（National Security Strategy）清楚声明， 承认中国是战略竞争对手。这意味着挑战与机遇并存，我们希望我们可以持续与他们保持建设性的关系。但是这是现实。也是事实。

It’s also the case that we didn’t choose some of these issues. China forced them upon us.

许多争端不是我们挑起的，这也是事实。中国把它们强加给我们。

In the coming months, I’m going to give a series of sets of remarks. I’m going to talk about each of these in some more detail.

在接下来的几个月中，我将发表一系列评论。我将更详细地讨论每一个细节。

I’ll talk about the competing ideologies and values and the impact that has on America and the world. The Chinese Communist Party is a Marxist-Leninist Party focused on struggle and international domination. We need only listen to the words of their leaders.

我将谈论竞争的意识形态和价值观，及其对美国和世界的影响。中国共产党是马克思-列宁主义政党 (Marxist-Leninist Party)。专注于斗争和称霸国际。我们只需要听听他们领导人的话就知道了。

I’ll discuss too how they interfere with the things we take most for granted here in the United States. The party’s intelligence agencies, the United Front Work, and its propaganda outlets have embarked on a global campaign to change public opinion in favor of Beijing. We want to preserve our freedoms – our freedom of speech and we want to make sure that information flows freely everywhere.

我还将讨论它们如何干涉我们在美国这里最理所当然的事情。共党的情报机构，统一战线（United Front Work），及其宣传机构已着手开展全球活动， 改变舆论以偏袒北京。我们要维护我们的自由 – 我们的言论自由，并且我们要确保信息自由地流向任何地方。

And I’ll discuss too the impact on the international order. Beijing is actively creating its own international space and it participates in international organizations to validate its authoritarian system and spread its reach. We in the United States, and I think the good people who are part of the Hudson Institute, want to preserve the existing free and open international order that the United States has helped create and continues to lead.

我也将讨论中共对国际秩序的影响。北京正在积极创造自己的国际空间，并参加国际组织做实其威权体系并扩大其影响范围。我们美国人，包括哈德森学院的好朋友们，都想要保留现在美国协助创建并领导的自由开放国际秩序。

And I’ll too – talk too about the economy. China has engaged in unfair predatory economic practices and it’s utilizing state assets to build its economic footprint all around the world. We want China to be successful. We want it to have a successful economy. We want a transparent, competitive, market-driven system that is mutually beneficial for all involved.

我也会谈论经济。中国从事不公平的掠夺性经济活动，并利用国有资产在全球建立自己的经济足迹。我们希望中国成功。我们希望它拥有成功的经济。我们需要一个透明，有竞争力，市场驱动的系统，该系统对所有参与者互惠互利。

You can see the first steps towards that in the Phase 1 deal that we are close to signing. I’m optimistic we’ll get there. It’s a good thing, a place that we can work together. We want to make sure that we get that right and we want to make sure that the economic relationships are fair, reciprocal, and balanced as between us as well. I think this will show that there is common ground to be had, and the Trump administration will work tirelessly to find it wherever we can.

您可以在我们即将签署的第一阶段交易中看到迈向这一目标的第一步。我对达成目标持乐观的态度。我们可以一起合作会是件好事我们要确保我们达成合作，我们要确保两国之间的经济关系也是公平，互惠和平衡的。这表示我们之间仍存在共同点，川普政府将不懈努力，尽我们所能找到这些共同点。

And I’ll get a chance too to talk about how our militaries compete and the capabilities that China has built up that far exceed what they would need for self-defense.

我也会谈谈我们军事上的竞争。中国已经建立了远远超出自卫所需的武力。

There’s lots of discussion, lots of think-tank discussion, lots of academic discussion about what the relationship will look like between the United States and China in the years and decades ahead. I’ll be clear about what the United States wants: We don’t want a confrontation with the People’s Republic of China. In fact, we want just the opposite.

有很多智囊团讨论，有很多关于在未来的几十年中，中美之间的关系将是什么样的学术讨论。我会清楚地陈述美国所要的：我们不希望与中华人民共和国对抗。实际上，我们想要的正相反。

We want to see a prosperous China that is at peace with its own people and with its neighbors.

我们希望看到一个繁荣的中国，它与自己的人民和邻国和平相处。

We want to see a thriving China where the Chinese business community transact business with the rest of the world on a fair set of reciprocal terms that we all know and understand.

我们希望看到一个蓬勃发展的中国，中国企业依据世界各地都了解接受的公平的互惠条款与其他国家公平做生意。

And we want to see a liberalized China that allows the genius of its people to flourish.

我们希望看到一个开放的中国，它允许其人民的才能得以蓬勃发展。

And we want to see a China that respects basic human rights of its own people, as guaranteed by its own constitution.

我们希望看到一个尊重自己人民基本人权的中国，正如中国宪法保证的。

But above all, it’s critical that as Americans, we engage China as it is, not as we wish it were.

对美国人来说，最要紧的是我们应该应对真实的中国，而不是我们希望的中国。

Herman Kahn used to remind us, he would urge us to think unconventionally to create persuasive arguments for policy and make those arguments consistently to the American people.

赫尔曼·卡恩曾经提醒我们，他会敦促我们非常规地思考，以产生有说服力的政策论点，并把这些论据始终一致地讲述给美国人民。

We have to think anew, and unconventionally, about the People’s Republic of China.

我们必须以全新的、非常规的思维方式来思考中华人民共和国。

I hope you will all join me in that. We will learn together and we will develop a strong relationship between these two nations.

希望大家都加入我的行列。我们将共同学习，并将在这两个国家之间建立牢固的关系。

I’m going to now stop and take a few questions from mister – Ken.

我就讲到这里，现在回答几个问题，这位先生—肯（Ken）。

Thank you. God bless you all. (Applause.)

谢谢各位。上帝保佑大家（掌声）

KENNETH WEINSTEIN: Mr. Secretary, always an honor and a pleasure to be with you. I guess the World Series isn’t going to be the big news headline tomorrow morning. Well, what a —

温斯坦先生：国务卿先生，与您在一起一直是我的荣誉和荣幸。我想明天早上世界系列将不会成为头条新闻。

SECRETARY POMPEO: Depends if the Nationals win. (Applause.)

国务卿彭培奥: 那要看国民队赢不赢。（掌声）

WEINSTEIN: Let me just throw out a few questions. That was a truly remarkable speech, clearly the first of several, as you indicated, on this important theme of the competition between the United States and China, the future of China, the future of our relations, and the future also of freedom in China. You said – that was an incredibly rich speech. Let me pick out one theme and ask you about it first, which is the question – you talked about how freedom-loving people everywhere reject the Leninist model – including in China – reject the Leninist model of the Chinese Communist Party, and you drew a distinction between the Chinese people and the Chinese Communist Party. How do you think about these issues?

温斯坦先生：我只想提出几个问题。那是一次真正了不起的演讲，很明显，正如您所指出的，美中竞争，以及中国未来的重要主题。 这是一次内容丰富的不得了的演讲。让我挑选一个主题，然后先问您一个问题，这就是您所谈论的问题。 关于热爱自由的人--包括中国--如何拒绝列宁主义模式。 拒绝中国共产党的列宁主义模式，而您特地在中国人民和中国共产党之间做了区分。您如何看待这些问题？

SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, I always start with a fundamental proposition that President Trump speaks to very directly: Every nation is sovereign. They get to lead their nation in the way they want. We respect Chinese sovereignty; they have the right to lead it. I always – I stare at this and think about the – I think about this as we’ve seen governments with ideologies like this before. This is not new in terms of how countries operate in the world. And while I know what America wants, what we’d like our relationship with China to be, I’m always reminded – and we talk about this an awful lot of times in counterterrorism. In the counterterrorism world, when do you get to stop doing this? The answer is the enemy gets to vote, right?

国务卿彭培奥: 我总是从基本命题开始，川普总统非常直接地说：每个国家都是主权国家。他们以自己想要的方式领导自己的国家。我们尊重中国主权； 他们有权领导。我一直-我盯着这个，然后思考-我考虑过这个，因为我们以前曾见过具有这种意识形态的政府。各国在世界上的运作方式而言，这并不是什么新鲜事。虽然我知道美国想要什么，我们希望与中国建立什么样的关系总是有人提醒我-我们在反恐方面谈论了很多次。在反恐世界中，您何时才能停止这样做？答案是敌人自己可以决定，对吗？

We think about that. Our adversaries get a choice on how this will proceed. And I think we need to try to help China make good choices, because we – and if we do that well, we’ll create a set of incentives that will reward those choices. And when I say good, good choices for the world – this is a billion and a half people that they’re going to be an important, powerful country in the world. This is a certainty. We don’t reject that, we don’t think that’s improper. We want them – we want them to be successful and grow and prosper.

我们考虑一下。我们的对手可以选择如何进行。我认为我们需要尝试帮助中国做出明智的选择，因为我们-如果做得好，那么，我们将创建一系列激励措施，奖励这些选择。对中国好就是对世界好的选择，这是一个有十五亿人口的国家。他们将成为世界上重要而强大的国家。这是可以肯定的。我们不反对这一点，我们不认为这有什么不好。我们希望他们成功，成长和繁荣。

But there’s been this notion – there’s been this notion that the Chinese put forward about win-win, that every transaction can be win-win. And that’s true when you do a business deal, when I give you 50 cents and you give me a Snicker bar, you’re happier with the 50 cents, I’m happy with the Snicker. But it’s – right, that’s – right, it’s basic market underpinnings.

但是这里有一个概念，中国人提出来的概念。关于双赢，即每秕交易都可以双赢。当您进行业务交易时，当我给您50美分，而您给我一个士力架。妳满意50美分，我高兴得到士力架。但这是基本的市场支柱。

It’s not been the case that these have all been win-win. It’s been the case that we’ve had U.S. companies go in there and they have been given commercial access. I was pleased they made decisions on banking and insurance regulations that they’re – that are changed. These are really good signs. I’m encouraged by that. I hope they’ll continue to do that. I hope we’ll continue to open markets for them as well. The President has said if we can get to where there are no barriers – right, no – we want this to be fair, and we want there to be even more trade between the two countries. When you think about that, you have to lay it against the ideological overlay inside the country, and decide whether that is something that you can achieve, and more importantly, what are the things that we can do so that we’re more likely to achieve that outcome?

我们跟中国的交易并非都是双赢。事实是，我们已经有美国公司进驻那里，并且获得了商业机会。我很高兴他们对银行和保险业做出决定，他们在改变。这些确实是好兆头。我感受到鼓舞。希望他们会继续这样做。希望我们也将继续为他们开放市场。总统说过，如果我们能到达没有贸易壁垒的地步。我们希望公平，并且我们希望两国之间有更多的贸易。考虑这一点时，必须将其与国内的意识形态重叠相对应。并确定这是否是您可以实现的目标，更重要的是我们可以做些什么，以便更有可能实现这一结果？

WEINSTEIN: So stay tuned for future speeches on this subject, surely.

温斯坦先生：所以，当然请继续关注有关该主题的未来演讲。

SECRETARY POMPEO: We – President Trump has made clear this is a central relationship for the United States for the next 50 or 100 years. We are all still figuring out the right tactics and strategy to deliver against the objectives that I set out here tonight: a strong, connected relationship with China. How do you get there? How do you think about this? We’ll learn as we go along. The United States will iterate; it’s what we do best. We’re creative, we will adapt. But we think it’s absolutely essential that we do so in a way that reflects what’s really happening, and the risks attendant with that.

国务卿彭培奥:川普总统已明确表明这是未来50或100年的美国核心外交关系。我们仍在寻找正确的手段和策略来实现目标。我今晚在这里说的是：要与中国有牢固联系的关系。您怎样到达那里？您如何看待？我们将边做边学。美国将进行更迭； 这就是我们最擅长的。我们富有创造力，我们会适应。但是我们认为，以反映实际情况以及随之而来的风险的方式，这样做绝对是至关重要的。

WEINSTEIN: Let me ask you about Hong Kong quickly. How – what should the United States be doing?

温斯坦先生：让我迅速向您询问有关香港的情况。美国应该怎么做？

SECRETARY POMPEO: It won’t surprise you I think we’ve got our policy right. (Laughter.) Look, we’re hopeful that – the Chinese made a commitment that – we hope they’ll live up to that. And at the same time, we’re telling everyone that we interact with we don’t want violence. We want this – we think there should be a political solution to the conflict that’s taking place there. We say this to – I say this to my Chinese counterparts, I say this publicly when we want the protesters to hear this too. We don’t want them to engage in violence either. We hope they can find a path forward that is consistent with the idea of “One Country, Two Systems.” That’s the commitment that the Chinese Government made. We hope they’ll live up to it.

国务卿彭培奥:我认为我们的政策正确，这不足为奇。（笑声） 听着，我们希望-中国人做出了一项承诺-我们希望他们能兑现。同时，我们告诉每个人我们都希望避免暴力。我们认为那里发生的冲突应有一个政治解决方案。我们这样说–我对中国对手说，我公开地说。希望抗议者也听到这一点。我们也不希望他们参与暴力。我们希望他们能够找到一条符合“一个国家，两种制度”的想法的道路。那就是中国政府的承诺。我们希望他们能做到。

WEINSTEIN: And lastly, let me ask you about as you – as you balance your incredible responsibilities as Secretary of State and you look at the unbelievable turmoil around the world – I mean, we’re living in one of the most tumultuous periods certainly in recent history or if not in the last – certainly in the last few decades. How do you as Secretary of State set your priorities on a strategic level? You’ve got China, North Korea. You’ve got Iran. You’ve got the need for our allies to step up further, to do more. But we also need to make sure that we keep them engaged because of this geostrategic competition with China. How do you – at the – how do you balance these things?

温斯坦先生：最后，让我问您一件事 – 当您平衡难以置信的国务卿的职责，目睹世界上难以置信的动盪。我是说，我们肯定生活在近代最动荡的时期之一，至少是最近几十年。作为国务卿，您如何在战略层面上确定优先事项？妳有中国，朝鲜。妳有伊朗。您需要我们的盟友进一步加强工作，做更多工作。但是，由于这种地缘战略，我们还需要确保让他们参与进来和中国竞争。您如何在这些方面保持平衡？

SECRETARY POMPEO: Ken, that’s a long list. I feel bad for coming to New York tonight. (Laughter.) I need to get back to work. So a couple things. First of all, the President set out a framework and continues to set out a framework for how we think about these issues and prioritize them. It’s also a blessing that we have a country that is wealthy enough to support a State Department team that’s capable of doing many things at one time.

蓬佩奥国务卿：肯尼斯，那是一长串名单。 我就知道今晚在纽约不会好过。 （笑声）我要回去工作了。这么说吧。 首先，总统制定了一个框架，并继续为我们怎样考虑这些问题设定框架并优先排序。也有幸我国有财力来支持一个能同时完成许多事情的国务院团队。

As for my time and attention, I try to spend my days pushing along those projects where it looks like I can get a high ROI on my time, while also making sure that I invest in the things that I know I’ll leave behind, sort of the institutional things at the State Department so that this team is in a place where we’ve got the right leaders and the right training and the right human capital inside the U.S. Department of State, so that when my time is up, the next set of – the next set of leaders will come along and have a talented, capable workforce that’s ready to engage and deliver American diplomacy around the world.

至于我的时间和注意力，我会花在看来投资回报率高的，看起来我可以在自己的时间上，同时还确保花时间在。我可以传承给继任的项目， 诸如院内机构类的东西。这样这个团队就拥有合适的领导者和正确的培训，以及美国国务院内部合适的人力资本。有才华能力的团队，随时可以在世界参与及开展美国外交。

WEINSTEIN: Well, thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. It’s really been an immense honor. I’ll turn it over to our great board chair Sarah Stern. (Applause.)

温斯坦先生：很好，非常感谢国务卿先生。这确实是一个极大的荣幸。 我把主席权交给我们伟大的董事会主席莎拉·斯特恩。 （鼓掌）

SARAH MAY STERN:* Wow. I think he gets a standing O for that. He asked how about the – about the – (applause.)

莎拉·斯特恩： Wow, 我认为他可以让我们起立。 他问怎么样（鼓掌）

Mr. Secretary, you said it would depend on the applause afterwards. I think that was an incredible talk. I think we in this room are all now insiders about what’s about to happen. I can’t wait to listen to the rest of your talks as they are unrolled. You certainly have paid attention to the views of our Hudson experts on China, so thank you for that. (Applause.)

国务卿先生，您说讲完的掌声才算数。我认为那是一次了不起的讲话。我想我们这个房间里的人现在对于即将发生的事情都是局内人了。我等不及要听后续的演讲。您肯定已经关注了这些哈德森有关中国的专家的观点，非常感谢。（掌声）

I think freedom-loving people around the globe, starting in China but moving on to some of those other places like Venezuela, Iran, other places that are living under nondemocratic governments, would thank you for that. And I think that people who live in democratic governments, and particularly Americans, and particularly the people in this room, would say thank you. (Applause.)

我认为全球爱好自由的人，从中国开始，然后到别处，例如委内瑞拉，伊朗这些不是民主政府的国家，都会想感谢您。我认为生活在民主政府国家的人，特别是美国人，尤其是这个房间里的人会对您说谢谢。掌声

So we give Hudson Institute’s award to celebrate farsighted leaders who have made exceptional contributions to the security, prosperity, and freedom of the United States and its allies. I cannot imagine anyone better suited than you to address the complex set of challenges that faces our country today.

因此，我们授予哈德森学院奖以庆祝杰出的有远见的领导者对安全，繁荣的贡献，和美国及其同盟国的自由。我无法想像有谁比您更适合应对今天我们的国家要面对的如此复杂的挑战。

Last week, on Hudson’s podcast, The Realignment, you mentioned that in dealing with China it is important to speak without emotion and with great clarity. As we heard tonight, these two characteristics do define your approach to China and also to other world affairs. As we’ve also heard tonight, you bring a powerful intellect informed by an understanding of history and fueled by creativity. In fact, I can think of no greater praise than to say you sound and act downright Hudsonian. (Laughter and applause.)

上周，在哈德森的播客《重新调整》（The Realignment）中，您提到在与中国打交道时说话要非常清晰，不要情绪激动。正如我们今晚听到的，这两个特点代表了您对中国的态度，和其他世界的事务。我们今晚听到的，是您带来了以理解历史和创造力为基础的大智慧。您的言行完全是哈德逊风格，我想不出更多的赞美。（笑声和掌声）

So it is my great honor to present you with the Herman Kahn Award.

我很荣幸向您颁发赫尔曼·卡恩奖。

SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you.

国务卿: 谢谢！ 谢谢！（掌声）谢谢！

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